Our TSS Rovers League 1 BC men’s team, boys academy and supporters celebrating together this summer, photo courtesy of Tom Ewasiuk at AFTN Canada.
When I’m back in Ontario, as I am now, I spend a lot of time with my family watching sports. We’re all Toronto Maple Leafs fans, so when the hockey is on, we don our Leafs jerseys and watch together. At the moment this part of the world is also consumed by the deep playoff run of the Toronto Blue Jays, who have, against the odds, advanced to the American League Championship Series of Major League Baseball. I don’t follow baseball, but it’s impossible not to be caught up in the energy of the moment.
Both the Leafs and the Jays had bad weekends. The Leafs lost two games to Detroit back to back, with dire performances in which their offence sputtered. A leafs legend, Mitch Marner was traded away in the off season and his replacement on the top line last night is an enthusiastic young talent called Easton Cowan. He has big shoes to fill and it’s fun watching young players begin their journey. Cowan was probably the pick of litter last night as nothing else seemed to get going. Both games against Detroit had the feeling of pre-season warm ups. The hunger and energy and resilience isn’t there yet.
Meanwhile, across the tracks at SkyDome, the Jays dropped game two of their playoff series to Seattle. They too seemed to be truly sapped of enthusiasm and energy. Despite an early flurry of runs, the Jays had some poor pitching and defensive errors that Seattle pounced upon and they were sluggish with the bats. They are under the cosh now as they head to Seattle for games 3 and 4, and the mood in this city is far from ebullient.
In soccer news, while the Canadian Men’s team struggled against Australia and gets ready for Colombia tonight, there are machinations afoot at the governance level of the sport. I can hardly stand to engage in the arcane minutiae of how soccer is run in Canada – and I have a far from complete picture – but at the moment there is a concerning trend happening. In Canada, the Canadian Soccer Association has a deal with a company called Canadian Soccer Business. The deal gives all of Canada’s marketing and broadcast rights to CSB for a flat rate. CSB can then sell these rights and make a profit which it largely channels into the Canadian Premier League, the division 1 professional league for men’s soccer in Canada. The owners of the CPL teams, are also the directors of CSB.
Back when the deal was signed, it was a practical solution for Canada Soccer. The Association was having a terrible time getting funding for the national teams and getting them covered, marketed and recognized. Since then however, CSB has moved towards an ownership stake in the game. Last year they bought the second division semi-pro leagues which are organized under League 1 Canada. In BC, our league was set up by BC Soccer initially to provide a pathway to professional opportunities for BC based players, a vision we champion at TSS Rovers, the only community-owned team in the League 1 structure. It still exists for that purpose, but it is now owned by a marketing company who profits from the selling sponsorship rights to our league and so far hasn’t returned much into our level to assure it’s sustainability.
And lost in the mix of all of this is the women’s professional game, which has finally hit the ground running with the launch of the Northern Super League. The NSL is the brainchild of Diana Matheson and other former national team players who had to do it on their own, because Canada Soccer has made no effort to create a professional women’s league despite hoisting the women’s World Cup in 2015. Meanwhile CSB has profited from selling the images and broadcast rights of the national women’s team who were defending Olympic Champions and have maintained a top 10 global ranking for years. CSB has not at all invested in the NSL, nor have they been invited to. Their involvement in Canadian Soccer has largely NOT enabled the professional environment for women, and has been highly problematic for the national team, which is why Matheson and her partners started their initiative own their own.
This is a direct example of the forty five year project of privatization and commercialization of community resources that was started in the Western world in the 1980s and has spread around the world. This month Canada Soccer Business released a vision for soccer in Canada and it is deeply at odds with the idea of grassroots based, publicly-owned clubs and leagues who are building the game in the broader public interest. Instead it fits the privatization agenda to a T, and promises results based on growth. It is a financialization vision for soccer in Canada that primarily and ultimately benefits the Canadian Premier League. It doesn’t address the women’s professional game at all, because CSB has no involvement in that game. It is by definition not a unifying vision.
It is also profoundly at odds with the vision that is championed by the federal government’s Future of Sport in Canada Commission who released their preliminary report back in the summer. Their vision is very different and seeks to develop elite athletes in the context of a safe, vibrant and participatory national sport strategy that puts the welfare of the athletes first and roots sport in the community and national interest.
My buddy Will Cromack shared his thoughts on these competing visions today and I deeply appreciate his perspective and connection to the issues and his thoughtful, slow deliberation on what is laying before us and the possible pathways to the future.
Developing sport in Canada is a long slow road, because developing athletes is a long slow road. Our culture is changing in many different ways, and sometimes in directions that run counter to each other. We fetishize the professional at the expense of community. We create structures and enclaves which create opaque places where people and communities can be hurt. We demand results, but wring our hands over funding and investment. We laud accessibility but demand elitism. We eschew public involvement but fear the market’s rapacious rush into the vacuum. And at the end of the day, we often take a narrow self-centred view towards sport, making sure our kid or our team or our agenda is the one that succeeds with no awareness of the broader ecosystem for our sports, or the bigger role of sport in general.
As Will writes, a bigger conversation is afoot, as it has been for many years. We need to feel our way through all of this, while also taking bold steps to set the container for sport development on the right footing. And the context is changing all around us.
Detail of the Ocean & Way of Life map produced by the Council of the Haida Nation in 2011
We’ve had a fantastic week of work and visiting here on Haida Gwaii. We were working with our friends from the Sahtu Renewable Resources Board, who came here to build relationships with each other, dive into some light conversations about the future and connect with local Haida Nation people, places and culture. It was a moving and transformative experience for all of us. One of the team’s staff Elders, in the closing circle talked about how inspired he was to be in a place where the historic and traditional Haida names are used. He talked about how that changes the way we think about land and animals, and it changes the conversation between settlers and Indigenous people of the region. It centres Indigenous knowledge and history and provides a container of governance that is clearly Indigenous-led. Shifting that perspective helps in the shift of decision-making power.
The idea that somehow First Nations can’t be trusted to lead in land use planning and governance over their own traditional territories is patently absurd, and yet many of the government negotiators of agreements between federal and provincial governments and First Nations often move from that assumption until is met head on at the negotiating table. What happens on Haida Gwaii is a prime example of what happens when that assumption is dashed. It doesn’t mean that an economy is destroyed – the biggest logging operations on Haida Gwaii are Haida logging companies. But it does mean that local people own the resources and the benefits and are the ones who are best positioned to talk about protection and stewardship because they are the ones who will live with the generational effects of long term damage.
If we can only imagine an economy where big multinational companies do the work of extracting resources, then we simply give away the benefit and reap very few of the rewards. Promises of jobs and economic prosperity are only ever seen in the short term gains like royalties paid and high salaries for a few jobs, and result in the ancient cycle of boom and bust resource town economies. Despite multinational companies reaping immense profits over time from fishing, mining, logging, and oil and gas, Canadian communities still have high levels of poverty, and dangerously underfunded health and education systems. The long-term benefits of prosperous communities, which should accrue to multi-generational social development, are eroded in favour of short term individual benefit from an injection of cash and a massive sucking out of profit to a concentrated tranche of billionaire owners and investors. Who pays for clean up in 50 or 100 years? And how are we to manage the restoration of healthy communities and landscapes over multiple generations if we sacrifice funding for social development to appease people and companies that demand the lowest possible taxation and royalty payments while a project walks away with billions in profit?
Typically in resource communities, the labour force is brought in from elsewhere and the population ebbs and flows with the activity around the mine, the plant, the refinery, the mill or the cannery. It’s natural for folks who arrive to be covered with the ongoing sustainability of the economic enterprise during their lifetimes, but Canada is lettered with communities full of infrastructure that are abandoned once the mine closes. The people who came in and built schools and stores and clinics and community centres, left once the major employer was gone, leaving ghost towns like Ocean Falls, Brittania Beach, and Field. Sometimes these towns try other reinvent themselves, but other times they just disappear, like many of the cannery towns on the coast.
But the people that remain are the First Nations. Those that were there before the companies arrived and those that are there long after. In in places like Haida Gwaii and the Central Coast, where the Great Bear Initiative was established, it is those Nations who have wrested control of the future of their places from those who would propagate another wave of exploitation, destruction and shirked responsibility. As Guujaw said the other night when we met with him, “When the province said we couldn’t manage our own territories, we said ‘we’re haywire as hell, but we couldn’t possibly wreck it worse than you did.'”
Resource development can be in the national interest, of course. More typically it is in the focused interest of investors and owners who live far from the place of activity. When that happens, we are not engaging in national building, we are engaging in the pursuit of rapidly developing wealth inequality. When we take a measured approach to resource development that slows the pace of what is happening so it can be done right it allows for economic benefits to accrue locally, it allows for long term infrastructure to be built and sustained even after the town transitions (Powell River, is my favourite current example) and it means that the damage that is done to the lands and waters can be mitigated up front and dealt with easier later, creating yet another round of local economic activity that restores the land and sea and positions it for whatever comes next, including dealing with climate change.
The story of Indigenous lands in Canada has largely been one of cleaning up from the destruction of a country that is founded on the idea of being hewers of wood and drawers of water. The hewers and the drawers leave, and First Nations are left to deal with the ecological, social, cultural and economic damage of exploitation and hit-and-run resource development.
It’s a grey muggy day here on the south coast of BC, and the photo above is from this morning’s ferry ride into Vancouver to begin a trip to Haida Gwaii this week.
Chris Mowles has a good post on the politics of uncertainty and writes about how that is unfolding in health care systems he is working with. I resonate with these words:
My colleagues’ dilemmas also made me think about the anxiety associated with uncertainty and how it is unevenly distributed. In times of crisis and hardship there is often a myth that ‘we are all in this together’, whereas in reality some are more in it than others. In his book The Politics of Uncertainty Peter Marris (1996) explains how group life, particularly in highly individualised and competitive societies, also comprises competition over who gets to sit with the most uncertainty. Your position in the hierarchy will determine how much you can pass on uncertainty to others. And Marris argues that the most marginalised are likely to bear the brunt.
This isn’t just true of inter organizational politics but of social politics as well. If you want to assert power, offload as much uncertainty as possible(and it’s accompanying anxiety) to others. That way you live with at least an illusion of comfort, shielded from the mental health challenges of being on constant stand-by for crisis or emergence.
It’s one of the reasons why I think it’s important to build capacity for working with complexity throughout organizations and societies, and especially deep in the lower middle management parts of these societies, where anxiety and uncertainty (and accountability) has been shifted. Of course, senior executives and government ministers have massive uncertainty to deal with, but typically they are resourced well to do it. Making complexity tools available to everyone helps everyone, becasue everyone is needed to deal with complexity.
If you want to to talk more about this and how we can provide accessible, lower cost training and capacity building to these levels of organizations and community, let me know. I’m constantly developing my practices and tools for doing this. We are doing this through story work and Participatory Narrative Inquiry, through sharing frameworks like Cynefin and the Two Loops, through our own bundle of complexity tools for facilitation and process design, and through facilitation and leadership practices that increase the relationships and participation that is needed to share the burden of living with uncertainty wherever you are at.
If nothing else, the deep divisions and culture wars in the US, and here in Canada too, are providing us with an opportunity to engage in deep practices of listening across difference. It’s harder now that it has ever been Dan Oestrich, who knows a thing or two about this, explains why.
Process artistry also has its place. Arts and well-hosted conversation are at work in Alberta where a group of researchers have initiated the Common Ground project to address stereotypes in the province. It is providing some useful lessons.
Depolarizing conversations is an initiative of my friends and colleagues at the Alaska Humanities Forum. It arose in 2021 during COVID when social media had divided families and small towns and disagreements had devolved into violence, assaults and the tearing of the social fabric. They have published some really helpful tools and resources on hosting these kinds of conversations. Get them while you can (and support them in continuing their work).
Irreconcilable difference is inevitable in a complex society but not every issue is an irreconcilable difference. Some are just conflicting perspectives. As long as we conflate conflict with war, we will maintain a tendency to want to avoid conflict instead of courting and supporting difference. Conflict transformation has long been the approach used to create a resilient container for what I call conflict preservation. We need this more than ever. And so do the orcas and the salmon.
One of the tools I use for working with polarities where there is a strong both/and situation is polarity mapping. I’ve written about it before but I love the way Kai Cheng Thom weaves it into her Loving Justice framework.
For more tools and training I can recommend Lewis Deep Democracy as one deeper approach to this work. It’s based in Arnold and Amy Mindel’s processwork. In Canada, I can recommend Camille Dumond and her colleagues at the Waterline Co-op. You’ll see my testimonial on their website. It’s accessible and practical training, even for experienced practitioners, and it will take your own practice deeper.
While summer rolled to an end, a truly significant ruling on Aboriginal title happened in Canada when the BC Supreme Court recognized the Constitutionally protected Aboriginal title of the Haida Nation to all of its territory. This declaration was built on previous court cases, co-management agreements and the ground breaking recognition protocol signed last year. Since 2003, and really since the Delgamuukw decision in 1997 defined the concept of Aboriginal title as a form of title within Canadian law, the province of BC and the Haida Nation have been preparing for this day. There is no First Nation in BC with a more secure grasp on its traditional and historic territory than the Haida Nation. It was only a matter of time.
When we talk about “reconciliation” in Canada we are, technically and most significantly I think, talking about the reconciliation of two different sets of laws. The Court in Delgamuukw implored the government of Canada to figure out how to reconcile Canadian law with Indigenous law. Reconciliation means this: how is power shared between two legal frameworks that may have different objectives, and different methods of governing. In 1851 when the Crown stopped making treaties in what later became BC, it inadvertently ensured that Aboriginal title remained unextinguished. Aboriginal title refers to the rights in land of First Nations that existed before contact with European law. In Delgamuukw the Court basically said that the Crown can’t just show up somewhere, plant a flag, and declare thousands of years of Indigenous rights to be extinguished. In other words, the idea of terra nulls, that the land was empty before Europeans arrived, is not a legal concept in Canadian law. The land was full. And the obligation on the colonial powers of Britain and Canada, acting in the interests of the Crown, was set out in the Royal Proclamation of 1763. That obligated colonial authorities to negotiate with the owners of these lands before doing anything else in Indigenous territories. After 1851, Canada just stopped doing that here in BC, and the consequence is that every action taken subsequently by the Crown is in doubt as to its legality under Canada’s own law.
Now it’s important to remember that it is First Nations who have been saying, for the past 175 years, that there is a need to negotiate land rights. The intention all along has been to create agreements that would be of mutual benefit to First Nations and settlers to these lands. In legal agreements and negotiations, First Nations have never said that existing private property is in doubt or that settlers should go home. It is First Nations that have led the way in inviting relationships that are sustainable and mutually beneficial.
Because Canada just stopped making agreements in BC, First Nations here retained all of their rights and title intact. Traditional and historic Indigenous land uses have continued, despite Canadian government actions which forced First Nations off their lands, created a cultural genocide, and, in the case of the 1862 smallpox epidemic, leaned into actual physical genocide as canoes full of infected people were towed up the coast from Victoria all the way to the Nisga’a and Haida territory, leaving death and destruction in their wake.
First Nations have been true to their position of land ownership since the very beginning. They are the rightful owners of their territories and they have desired mutually beneficial relationships with the Crown. In 1910 at Spences Bridge, a number of Interior chiefs made a declaration that led with an invitation to create treaties.
For all this time in British Columbia, colonial governments have just ignored these requests, trampled rights and title, ignored existing treaties and applied Canadian law as if there was no legally recognized set of governments and people already on this land. In 1973, the Nisga’a finally gained recognition of their existing rights and title, nearly 60 years after they first demanded it. Although it was a split Supreme Court of Canada that wrote the decision, the case led to a negotiation of rights and title that lasted another 25 years and culminated in the signing of the Nisga’a Final Agreement.
The treaty process in BC has churned along since 1992 and meanwhile, First Nations have also been active in the courts with a series of decisions that confirmed the existence of Aboriginal as a concept (Delgamuukw) and then found that it actually existed on the land (Tsilhqot’in). From the moment that Delgamuukw was settled it was clear that it would only be a matter of time before the Haida pushed the envelope on this.
September 30 is coming up and in Canada that is a day set aside for the commemoration of Truth and Reconciliation. Lots of folks will be wearing orange shirts and learning about residential schools or participating in other public activities. I will be on Haida Gwaii that day, for the first time in my life, working with a co-managment board who jointly steward the wildlife in parts of the Northwest Territories. That is a body that is actively engaged in reconciliation of laws, of knowledge, of ways of relating to land and animals.
In my mind, no court ruling is needed to tell me where I will be. I will be in what has always been Haida territory, visiting an island archipelago that has been governed sea stewarded from time immemorial by the Haida people. Canada is a slow learner with respect to Indigenous rights. From the very beginning First Nations have seen the opportunity to build something together with the settlers that were arriving in their lands and the governments that were exercising authority. Through centuries of being ignored, disposed, killed, re-educated and denied the means to argue for rights and title. First Nations have continued to ask Canada to be its best self, to be in active mutual relationship and see what we can do together. It sometimes takes court cases to hold Canada and Canadians to account by the terms of our own laws. I’m good with that too.
If you do nothing else on September 30, or any other day for that matter, do yourself a favour and follow some of the history of the invitation that First Nations have consistently made to Canada. Understand that, despite the protestations of some of Canada’s political “leaders” who court short-term gain from stoking racism and outrage and misinformation about land and rights issues. Remember that he work of reconciliation is fundamentally about how we will permanently live together here in ongoing mutually beneficial partnership. Canada has always been afforded the chance to do the right thing, the beautiful thing and the moral and just thing. At any time we can seize that chance. Let’s do it now.